Doctoral Thesis · May 2026 / Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health

Naming the Wound.
Rewriting the Record.

On uterine fibroids, the cost of silence in Sierra Leone, and the work of making women's pain visible to the systems that should protect them.

Fatou Wurie, DrPH Author · Founder, Youterus Health
262 women. 27 voices. Princess Christian Maternity Hospital, Freetown
One framework. Cycle of Suffering and Resilience
First, This

What this is.

A fibroid is a growth of the smooth muscle of the uterus. It is not cancer. It can be the size of a pea. It can be the size of a grapefruit. There can be one. There can be twenty. They can sit silently for years. They can also bleed heavily enough to cause severe anaemia, distort the uterine cavity until pregnancy becomes impossible, press on the bladder until walking is uncomfortable, and grow large enough to require surgery costing six to twelve months of household income.

They are the most common gynaecological condition affecting women of African descent. By the age of fifty, up to eighty per cent of Black women will have developed at least one. Treatment exists: myomectomy, hysterectomy, hormonal management, arterial embolisation. All of it requires access women in Sierra Leone do not have.

The question this thesis examines is not whether treatment is possible. It is whether women can reach it.

A note on the language

The clinical literature calls these growths benign. Benign means harmless. Ask the women in this thesis whether five years of bleeding, anaemia, infertility, surgery costing a year's income, and being called cursed by a mother-in-law for childlessness she did not choose is harmless. The vocabulary is part of what this work corrects. The same applies to heavy bleeding, discomfort, and common. Words that minimise are not neutral. They are how administrative invisibility is held in place.

The uterus and four types of fibroids Anatomical illustration showing the uterus with four labelled fibroid types: subserosal (outer wall), intramural (within the muscle wall), submucosal (in the uterine cavity), and pedunculated (attached by a stalk). 01 02 03 04 01 SUBSEROSAL Outer wall 02 INTRAMURAL Within the muscle wall 03 SUBMUCOSAL Protrudes into the cavity 04 PEDUNCULATED Attached by a stalk OVARY OVARY CERVIX FALLOPIAN TUBE FALLOPIAN TUBE
01
Subserosal

Grow on the outer surface of the uterus. Can become very large and press on neighbouring organs, causing pelvic pressure and back pain.

02
Intramural

The most common type. Grow within the muscular wall of the uterus. Can enlarge the uterus and cause heavy bleeding and pelvic pain.

03
Submucosal

Less common but most symptomatic. Protrude into the uterine cavity. Strongly associated with heavy bleeding, anaemia, and infertility.

04
Pedunculated

Attached to the uterus by a thin stalk. Can twist on the stalk, causing acute pain. May be subserosal or submucosal in origin.

A Letter from the Author

The silence was the finding.

Across global health systems, some forms of women's suffering receive policy attention and financing. Others are absorbed into silence. This thesis begins in that silence. It examines how uterine fibroids, a condition affecting up to eighty percent of women of African descent and one in three women seeking gynaecologic care at Sierra Leone's largest referral hospital, remain largely uncounted and unprioritised within the systems responsible for women's health.

The central question is not why women suffer. It is why their suffering is not recognised as a measurable burden or a policy concern. Fibroids appear in no national policy document in Sierra Leone. They are absent from the Health Management Information System. They are not covered under the Free Health Care Initiative, which since 2010 has supported services for pregnant women, lactating mothers, and children under five. There is no allocation for diagnostics, medications, surgery, or reimbursement for fibroid-related care.

In 2025, I sat with women at Princess Christian Maternity Hospital who had been bleeding for years, sold sewing machines to pay for surgery, and been called cursed by their mothers-in-law for infertility they did not know was caused by tumours pressing against their uteruses. I sat with clinicians who diagnose by hand because the ultrasound is broken or locked in the maternity ward. I read 262 charts. I followed the data into kitchens and prayer rooms and trading stalls. I followed it into my own body, too. I do not pretend distance I did not have.

The burden documented here emerges from pathology. Its persistence emerges from policy.

What this research reveals is that fibroid invisibility is not the residue of scarce resources or cultural reluctance. It is the outcome of design. Metrics follow money. Money follows mortality. When health systems are built to count maternal deaths and not chronic gynaecologic morbidity, women's pain becomes administratively invisible, and administrative invisibility produces material suffering. The Free Health Care Initiative is proof that Sierra Leone can mobilise around a defined priority. The exclusion of fibroids is proof that the priority has been narrowly defined.

I dedicate this work to my daughter Amanah Seray, whose name means trust. To be entrusted is sacred. I hope to live in a world that listens when women speak, believes their pain, honours their knowledge, and invests in their healing. Until then, this is the record.

Methodology as Politics

What counts as evidence.

This study did not begin with a traditional literature review. It could not. The literature on uterine fibroids in Sierra Leone, in much of West Africa, in the lives of African women generally, has not been written. The condition does not appear in national data systems. It does not appear in continental policy indicators. It does not appear in the funding categories that determine which research questions get asked. To begin where the literature ends would have been to begin nowhere.

So I began with women. With twenty-seven women in Freetown, Lumley, Brookfields, Mountain Cut, Kissy, and Waterloo. With their accounts of bleeding and silence and survival. With what they had learned about their own bodies in the absence of clinical explanation. Their testimony is the primary data source of this thesis. It is not anecdote. It is not colour. It is the archive that the formal record has refused to maintain.

The methodological choice is also a political one. Grounded theory holds that categories must emerge from data rather than be imposed upon it. In a context where the data systems themselves are the instrument of erasure, this is not a procedural preference. It is a stance. The Cycle of Suffering and Resilience did not exist before these women spoke. It exists because they did.

PRINCIPLE · 01

Narratives are infrastructure

Women's accounts reveal how institutions function, not only how individuals experience them. The story of one woman selling her sewing machine to pay for surgery is a story about categorical health financing. Each testimony documents an architecture.

PRINCIPLE · 02

Health systems are not neutral

Indicators, eligibility lines, procurement codes, and reporting templates encode priorities. They are choices, not natural arrangements. The exclusion of chronic gynaecologic conditions from national reporting is not an oversight. It is a definition of whose suffering counts.

PRINCIPLE · 03

Resilience is an indictment

Women's labour through illness, household resource mobilisation, and continued caregiving sustain systems that fail them. To celebrate resilience without naming what produced it is to launder structural violence as cultural virtue. The framework refuses this.

Study Design at a Glance

The rigour beneath the record.

A convergent mixed methods design, traceable from primary data to published framework. Every figure on this site is anchored here.

Design

  • Convergent mixed methods (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2018)
  • Constructivist and pragmatist epistemological stance
  • Grounded theory analytic approach (Charmaz, 2014; Corbin & Strauss, 2015)
  • Quantitative and qualitative strands collected simultaneously, integrated during interpretation

Setting & Timeline

  • Princess Christian Maternity Hospital, sole national tertiary facility for complex gynaecological cases
  • Secondary sites: Jui Government Hospital, King Harman Road Hospital
  • Community sites: Wilberforce, Mountain Cut, Kissy, Waterloo, Tombo
  • Fieldwork: January to August 2025. Chart review window: April to May 2025

Quantitative Strand

  • Facility based census: 262 consecutive gynaecological admissions
  • 89 cases (34.0%) confirmed fibroid by clinical palpation, imaging, or surgical pathology
  • Inclusion: complete records during the study window. Exclusion: obstetric admissions, charts with more than 50% missing data, suspected but unconfirmed cases
  • Epicollect5 standardised abstraction; Stata 17 for descriptive analysis

Qualitative Strand

  • 15 in depth interviews with women diagnosed with fibroids (ages 28 to 52, median 38; parity 0 to 5)
  • 5 focus group discussions: three with women (n = 21), one with male partners (n = 6), one mixed gender family group (n = 7)
  • 7 key informant interviews: two gynaecologists at PCMH, one general practitioner at Jui, two nurses or midwives, one traditional healer in Kissy, one community leader in Waterloo
  • Conducted in English or Krio per participant preference, audio recorded with consent, transcribed verbatim

Analytic Procedure

  • Line by line initial coding generating over 300 codes, many in vivo
  • Focused coding into broader analytic categories
  • Selective coding identifying relationships among categories
  • Integration into the COSAR framework through constant comparison and memo writing
  • Member checking with participants. Peer debriefing throughout fieldwork

Reflexivity & Positionality

  • The principal investigator is a Sierra Leonean woman, a public health professional, and a person with personal fibroid experience
  • Insider standing enabled language access, cultural fluency, and participant trust
  • The same positionality was interrogated through memo writing, weekly peer debriefs, and member checking. Reflexivity is treated as discipline, not as guarantee of neutrality

Scope & Limitations

  • Facility based census cannot establish population level prevalence. The 34% figure describes burden at the tertiary referral hospital, not in Sierra Leone as a whole
  • Single time window of intensive chart review. Seasonal variation not captured
  • Qualitative sample purposive, not statistically generalisable
  • Krio to English translation involves interpretive judgement, even with bilingual transcription
The Witnesses

Twenty-seven women. The first record.

Fifteen in-depth interviews. Five focus group discussions. Seven key informant interviews. The voices below are a fragment of what was shared, set down here with permission, with care, and without translation.

VC · 41 · Lumley
"
I sold my sewing machine and my phone to pay for surgery. After the operation, I had nothing left to restart my business.
On Financial Exclusion
VC · 31 · Waterloo
"
My mother-in-law said I am cursed, that God is punishing me for something I did.
On Moral Surveillance
VC · 41 · Kissy
"
I went to clinic many times. They gave me iron tablets. Nobody told me fibroid until I reach PCMH.
On Diagnostic Invisibility
VC · 28 · Brookfields
"
The doctor said I have fibroid. I asked what causes it. He said, "It just happens." That was all.
On Clinical Disregard
VC · 33 · Brookfields
"
When the hospital did not explain, I asked my mother. She said it is from not having children early.
On Epistemic Negotiation
VC · 39 · Lumley
"
If I don't sell, my children don't eat.
On Survival Labour
The Findings

What the data refuses to hide.

A retrospective chart review of 262 gynaecological admissions at Sierra Leone's national referral hospital, paired with twenty-seven qualitative voices. Together, they make a record where none existed before. Three numbers carry the weight of the rest.

Clinical Burden
34%
of gynaecological admissions at PCMH

The single most common condition women present with at Sierra Leone's national referral hospital. First systematic documentation of fibroid burden in the country.

Public Coverage
0%
subsidised surgery across 89 cases

No FHCI eligibility. No insurance coverage. Surgical care is entirely out of pocket and costs six to twelve months of median household income.

Anaemia at Admission
71%
anaemic when they reached PCMH

Mean haemoglobin 8.3 g/dL. Bleeding sustained over years while women continued their daily labour at home and at market.

34%
Clinical burden Of gynaecologic admissions at PCMH attributed to fibroids. The single most common condition women present with.
0%
Public coverage FHCI or insurance subsidy for fibroid surgery across 89 cases. Treatment is entirely out-of-pocket.
62%
Diagnostic delay Of cases with documented symptom duration delayed more than three months before diagnosis.
38%
Nulliparity Of women with fibroids were nulliparous. Roughly ten times the national rate.
71%
Anaemic at admission Reflecting chronic bleeding sustained while women continued daily labour.
96%
No counselling documented Charts contained no record of risk factors, options, or recovery expectations discussed.
Le 2 to 9M
Surgical cost The equivalent of six to twelve months of median household income. Asset liquidation, borrowing, prolonged saving.
77.5%
Economically active Continued earning through symptoms. No social protection. Household survival depends on women's labour.
Three Women, Named

The data has shape. The shape has lives.

Three case histories from the thesis. Names changed. Geographies kept. Each story illustrates a stage of the cycle that would later be named COSAR. Each life precedes the framework.

Mariama

At thirty-two, Mariama noticed unusually heavy bleeding. Over the next three years she presented at four facilities. At each, providers offered iron tablets, pain medication, herbal preparations. No one ordered imaging. By year five, when her abdomen visibly enlarged, she finally received an ultrasound at a private facility her family had financed through collective savings. Surgery cost Le 4.5 million, more than her annual income from market selling. The family mobilised resources for eight months before she could afford the procedure.

What this reveals

Clinical encounters without diagnostic capacity. Five years between the first bleeding and the operation that addressed its cause. Mariama did not delay. The system did.

Aminata

"We took her to Massakah, Makeni, Four Mile, Wilul, Joriop. Nothing worked until PCMH. When we suspect fibroid but cannot confirm without imaging, somebody borrowed a machine for imaging. It cost Le 300,000. We couldn't afford. So we saved for weeks."

What this reveals

The geography of diagnostic delay. Five facilities. A borrowed machine. Weeks of saving for a single scan. The labour of finding the diagnosis, before the labour of paying for the treatment.

Hawa

Hawa presented at a rural hospital. The provider, when asked about referral to the national centre, explained simply: "We refer to PCMH, but transport is expensive. Some never come back."

What this reveals

Invisibility through attrition. The women who do not appear in PCMH data because the referral never converted to a journey. The provider knows. The system records nothing.

From 262 Charts

A national picture, plainly told.

The chart review establishes burden at the tertiary referral hospital. It cannot, on its own, establish national prevalence. What follows is a transparent extrapolation, building from the thesis data and the published literature on uterine fibroids in women of African descent. Every assumption is named. Every number can be checked. This is the first such public estimate for Sierra Leone, and it is offered to make the case that a proper prevalence study is overdue.

Step 01 · What PCMH sees

Eighty nine cases in six weeks. About seven hundred per year.

The chart review captured 89 confirmed fibroid admissions across six weeks at PCMH. Annualised at the same rate, that is approximately seven hundred women per year reaching the country's tertiary gynaecological hospital with a confirmed diagnosis. Most of them after years of presenting elsewhere without one.

~712
Fibroid admissions at PCMH per year
~2.0M
Women aged 15 to 49 in Sierra Leone
Step 02 · The population at risk

Roughly two million reproductive age women.

Sierra Leone's female population aged 15 to 49 sits at approximately two million (Statistics Sierra Leone, 2021 Population and Housing Census; UN World Population Prospects). Women of African descent carry the highest documented lifetime fibroid risk in the published literature: up to eighty per cent by age fifty (Baird et al., 2003; Marsh et al., 2013). These two facts have never, until now, been placed beside Sierra Leone hospital data.

Step 03 · The estimated symptomatic burden

Between 200,000 and 300,000 women in active symptom right now.

Applying conservative ranges from clinical literature, between twenty and thirty per cent of women aged thirty to forty nine experience symptomatic fibroids at any given time. Applied to Sierra Leone's reproductive age cohort in that window (approximately one million women), the estimated symptomatic burden sits between two hundred thousand and three hundred thousand. These are not abstract numbers. They are women navigating bleeding, anaemia, pain, and reproductive consequence every day this site is open.

200k to 300k
Estimated symptomatic women, Sierra Leone
<1%
Estimated symptomatic women reaching diagnosis at PCMH each year
Step 04 · The iceberg

Less than one per cent reach diagnosis at PCMH.

About seven hundred women reach diagnosis at PCMH each year. Set against an estimated quarter million symptomatic women across Sierra Leone, the tertiary referral hospital touches less than one per cent of the population in active need. The remaining ninety nine plus per cent are absorbed by primary care without diagnosis, by private clinics with private payment, by traditional healers, and by attrition. The thesis names this. The national data system records none of it.

Step 05 · The financial picture

USD 100 to 450 per surgery. The household carries all of it.

Documented surgical costs at PCMH ranged from Le 2 to 9 million per case, equivalent to USD 100 to 450. This is the surgical line item only. The same household also pays for private imaging (approximately Le 300,000 per ultrasound, the dominant route to diagnosis), blood transfusion in 57% of surgical cases (Le 300,000 to 600,000 per unit), post-operative drugs and supplies, transport for the patient and a caregiver, and lost income across the period of illness and recovery. Real household exposure per surgical episode therefore runs measurably higher than the surgical line item alone.

Even on the surgical figure on its own, applied across the approximately seven hundred fibroid admissions per year at PCMH, the annual out of pocket burden is Le 1.4 to 6.4 billion, or USD 70,000 to 320,000 at PCMH alone. Zero per cent of that is reimbursed. The money is drawn directly from women, husbands, sisters, mothers, market savings, sold sewing machines, sold phones, and borrowed wages.

Scaled to the estimated national symptomatic burden of two to three hundred thousand women, if even a small fraction reached surgical treatment, the aggregate household exposure would run into hundreds of millions of US dollars. The number visible at PCMH is the small fraction the system actually sees. The rest is absorbed inside households, mostly by women, with no public protection in place.

$100 to $450
Per surgery at the government hospital, paid by the household
Assumptions named

The PCMH annualisation assumes the six week study window is representative of the year. The 80% lifetime figure is drawn from US studies of women of African descent (Baird et al., 2003) and may differ for West African populations specifically; no published Sierra Leone or West Africa prevalence study currently exists. The 20 to 30 per cent symptomatic range is conservative and drawn from clinical reviews. Sierra Leone female population figures use Statistics Sierra Leone 2021 Census projections and UN World Population Prospects estimates. This extrapolation is offered as a transparent public estimate, not a peer reviewed prevalence study. It is the first of its kind for Sierra Leone, and it is offered precisely to make the case that one is needed.

An Original Framework

The Cycle of Suffering and Resilience.

COSAR did not precede the data. It emerged from it, through systematic engagement with 89 clinical cases and 27 voices in Sierra Leone. Six interconnected mechanisms by which system-level design produces lived experience, and through which individual adaptation absorbs system failure, allowing the gaps to persist.

The cycle is not linear. Women move through stages repeatedly. Each stage feeds the next. Single-point interventions fail because the cycle regenerates around them.

The Cycle of Suffering and Resilience A circular diagram showing six interconnected stages of the COSAR framework: Diagnostic Invisibility, Clinical Disregard, Epistemic Negotiation, Financial Exclusion, Moral Surveillance, and Survival Labour, connected by clockwise arrows. Diagnostic Invisibility Clinical Disregard Epistemic Negotiation Financial Exclusion Moral Surveillance Survival Labour 01 02 03 04 05 06 COSAR CYCLE OF SUFFERING AND RESILIENCE F. WURIE · 2026
Reading COSAR analytically

COSAR is the management piece.

The chart review documents women arriving at the operating theatre having had no intermediate care. Standard fibroid management exists on a spectrum that runs from early detection, through patient education and medical management, through monitoring and interventional options, to surgery only when those earlier interventions have been offered and have not held the disease. In Sierra Leone, that spectrum collapses to two endpoints: surgery, or nothing. COSAR names the failure at every step in between.

Standard management stage
What the Sierra Leone data shows
COSAR mechanism naming the break
Early symptom recognition
97% had no prior awareness of fibroids. Most presented after years of bleeding, pain, or infertility had escalated.
01 · Diagnostic Invisibility
Diagnostic imaging
13.5% had ultrasound before admission. 42% diagnosed by clinical examination alone. 62% experienced delays of more than three months.
01 · Diagnostic Invisibility
Counselling and explanation of options
96% no counselling documented. No record of risk factors, treatment alternatives, or recovery expectations discussed.
02 · Clinical Disregard
Patient education and written materials
0% received written materials. Women constructed understanding from mothers, friends, church members, and traditional healers in the absence of clinical explanation.
03 · Epistemic Negotiation
Medical management (hormonal therapy, iron, tranexamic acid)
No FHCI coverage. Effectively out of reach for households without private resources. Anaemia (71% at admission) was managed through endurance rather than intervention.
04 · Financial Exclusion
Watchful waiting with active monitoring
Where it occurred, it was the absence of intervention by default, not by clinical decision. Women returned to the system only when the disease had progressed.
01 + 04 · Invisibility, Exclusion
Interventional options (arterial embolisation, hormonal IUD)
Unavailable in the public system. Concentrated in private and overseas facilities, financially inaccessible for most households.
04 · Financial Exclusion
Surgical management
The dominant clinical encounter. 0% public coverage. Le 2 to 9 million per case at PCMH, the government tertiary hospital, paid entirely by the household.
04 · Financial Exclusion
Support for childlessness and social impact
38.2% nulliparous (ten times the national rate). One third presented with infertility. Childlessness moralised as personal or spiritual failing.
05 · Moral Surveillance
Post-operative recovery and return to function
77.5% economically active despite chronic symptoms. Women returned to market trading or farming days after surgery because no social protection or sick leave exists.
06 · Survival Labour

The management pathway exists. It exists in clinical guidelines and in the practice of every health system that has taken women's chronic gynaecological burden seriously. It does not exist in operational form for women in Sierra Leone. COSAR is the diagnostic of that absence. Each mechanism is the name of an intervention that should have happened and did not. Reform that targets only the surgical endpoint without addressing every earlier stage will produce the same outcome at a higher cost. The whole pathway is the management piece. COSAR is how it is read.

01

Diagnostic Invisibility

62% delayed > 3 months 42% diagnosed by clinical exam alone 13.5% had ultrasound before admission

Equipment is concentrated in antenatal services. Imaging requires private payment. Providers adapt to scarcity by managing symptoms while waiting for the tumour to become palpable. Diagnosis is not a question of clinical skill. It is a question of access to the machine.

"I went to clinic many times. They gave me iron tablets. Nobody told me fibroid until I reach PCMH." Woman, 41, Kissy
02

Clinical Disregard

96% no counselling documented 40 to 50 patients per clinic session ~5 minutes per consultation

This is not provider failure. It is throughput. When a single gynaecologist must move forty women through a morning, communication contracts to the diagnostic noun and the surgical recommendation. Women receive verdicts. Not explanations.

"He said 'it just happens.' That was all." Woman, 28, Brookfields
03

Epistemic Negotiation

97% no prior fibroid awareness 0% received written materials Knowledge constructed from mothers, friends, faith

Where biomedical systems provide diagnosis without explanation, women construct understanding from the materials available. Family knowledge. Church members. Traditional healers. The vacuum produced by the clinic gets filled by the community. This is not superstition. It is pragmatism.

"When the hospital did not explain, I asked my mother." Woman, 33, Brookfields
04

Financial Exclusion

Le 2 to 9M surgical costs 0% FHCI coverage Six to twelve months household income

The FHCI covers pregnancy. It does not cover fibroids. The same woman who delivers her child at state expense will pay privately if her uterus bleeds her into anaemia six months later. Categorical financing is not a budget constraint. It is a definition of which women count.

"I sold my sewing machine and my phone to pay for surgery. After the operation, I had nothing left to restart my business." Woman, 41, Lumley
05

Moral Surveillance

38% nulliparous (10× national rate) 33% presented with infertility Childlessness moralised in absence of explanation

Diagnostic delay produces temporal space. In that space, fibroid-related infertility is interpreted as curse, as punishment, as personal moral failure. The biomedical system's silence becomes a community's licence to judge. The body's tumour becomes the woman's shame.

"My mother-in-law said I am cursed, that God is punishing me for something I did." Woman, 31, Waterloo
06

Survival Labour

77.5% economically active through symptoms 71% anaemic at admission No social protection for chronic illness

Women keep selling. They keep cooking. They keep their children fed. Resilience here is not virtue. It is the absence of any alternative. To call this adaptation "strength" without naming what produced it is to launder structural violence as cultural character.

"If I don't sell, my children don't eat." Woman, 39, Lumley
An original framework. Mine.

The Cycle of Suffering and Resilience was developed by Fatou Wurie through doctoral fieldwork at Princess Christian Maternity Hospital, Freetown, between January and August 2025. It is the conceptual contribution of this thesis. Researchers, clinicians, and policymakers are welcome to test its six mechanisms against other neglected reproductive conditions and other contexts. The framework is open. Attribution is required.

Wurie, F. (2026). Naming the Wound, Rewriting the Record: Uterine Fibroids and the Cost of Silence in Sierra Leone. Doctoral thesis, Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health. COSAR framework, original.
Sierra Leone & The Continental Frame

The country has shown what is possible.

Over a decade and a half, Sierra Leone built one of the most ambitious maternal health architectures on the African continent. Maternal mortality fell from roughly 1,160 per 100,000 live births in 2019 to 354 in 2023. The infrastructure proves capacity. The exclusion of chronic gynaecologic conditions proves that the priority has been narrowly defined. COSAR documents what that exclusion produces.

The argument in one paragraph.

The Free Health Care Initiative, launched in 2010, demonstrated that the state could remove user fees and move women into facilities for delivery. Sixteen years of investment followed: more than 4,000 health workers recruited, 1,600 facilities rehabilitated, 300+ solarised, 12 oxygen plants installed, a National Emergency Medical Service built, a maternal digital registry enrolling more than 400,000 pregnancies, a Climate-Health Unit established in 2024, and the 300 Days of Activism for Triple Zero launched by President Bio on 2 March 2026.

This is not a country that cannot. It is a country that has not yet, for chronic gynaecologic conditions, chosen to. The capacity is in place. The architecture exists. What is missing is the categorical decision to extend it across the full arc of women's reproductive lives.

A National Architecture · 2010 to 2026
scroll horizontally to read forward in time →
2010
Free Health Care Initiative

User fees abolished for pregnant women, lactating mothers, and children under five. The foundational policy. Sixteen years on, still the closest instrument Sierra Leone has to public health insurance for these protected categories. It does not extend to chronic gynaecologic conditions.

2015 to 2020
Health Sector Recovery Plan

Rebuilt the system after the Ebola epidemic. Restored essential services and community confidence. Reaffirmed maternal-and-child health as the organising principle of recovery.

2018
National Emergency Medical Service

Nationwide toll-free ambulance network. By 2024, sixty per cent of obstetric referrals reach facilities within two hours. The instrument that converts emergency response into measurable lives saved.

2021 to 2025
National RMNCAH Strategy

Reproductive, Maternal, Newborn, Child and Adolescent Health framework. Anchors equity, quality, and continuity of care through stronger governance and results-based financing. Still oriented around pregnancy and childhood.

2021 to 2024
Workforce & Infrastructure

More than 4,000 health workers recruited. More than 1,600 facilities rehabilitated. The Kono MCH Centre of Excellence commissioned as a national demonstration of integrated care.

2023 to 2025
Solarisation & Oxygen

300+ health facilities now run on solar systems. 12 oxygen plants installed. Connaught Hospital operates on a dedicated 1MW solar system. The energy infrastructure on which obstetric care depends.

2024
Climate-Health Unit, MoH

One of the earliest dedicated climate-health units on the African continent. Brings climate vulnerability into the health system's planning and surveillance functions.

2024
PReSTrack Digital Registry

Maternal digital registry developed with the Directorate of Science, Technology and Innovation. Over 400,000 pregnancies enrolled nationwide. The data architecture for maternal care exists. The architecture for chronic gynaecologic care does not.

Sep 2025
Mission 300 National Energy Compact

USD 2.2 billion compact endorsed at the Bloomberg Philanthropies Global Forum in New York. Targets 78 per cent national electricity access by 2030. The financing instrument behind facility electrification.

Oct 2025
Nationally Determined Contribution 3.0

Submitted to UNFCCC. Total needs of USD 2.974 billion across 2025 to 2035, of which USD 1.95 billion for adaptation. Health, child protection, and water are named adaptation priorities.

Mar 2026
300 Days of Activism for Triple Zero

Presidential delivery push on the standing strategy. Weekly public accountability. A Day 300 covenant. Zero preventable maternal deaths, zero preventable newborn and child deaths, zero zero-dose children. The next chapter, still maternal-centred.

Apr 2026
The Freetown Charter

Regional framework adopted at the 27th ECOWAS Health Ministers Assembly, chaired by Sierra Leone's Minister of Health. Targets accelerated reduction of maternal, newborn, and child mortality across West Africa, with a binding accountability mechanism.

The financing question.

Sierra Leone's health expenditure is split across three sources. Government contributes between 14 and 17 per cent. Development partners contribute between 34 and 36 per cent. Households carry 52 per cent through out-of-pocket payments. For women with fibroids, that 52 per cent is 100 per cent. There is no public protection. There is no donor category. There is no insurance line. The full cost of care comes from her household, or it does not come at all. This is the arithmetic of categorical exclusion.

Households · out-of-pocket 52%
Where fibroid care lives. 100% out-of-pocket for women excluded from FHCI.
Development partners 34 to 36%
Under documented retrenchment. The Lusaka Agenda anchors the domestic transition.
Government of Sierra Leone 14 to 17%
Health allocation at 11–12% of national budget. Moving toward Abuja target of 15%.
"Metrics follow money. Money follows mortality. Until reproductive morbidity is measured with the same investment and urgency as maternal mortality, the aspiration of healthy and empowered women will remain constrained."
Chapter 1, Naming the Wound, Rewriting the Record
Recommendations

Eight policy opportunities. One highest leverage move.

The thesis closes with eight specific recommendations grouped at three altitudes: national reforms for Sierra Leone, health system operational changes, and continental policy positioning. They are designed to be sequenced, not selected from. The single highest leverage starting point is named first.

The Highest Leverage Intervention

Integrate chronic gynaecological conditions into DHIS2.

Of the eight recommendations, this one is named first because it conditions the rest. DHIS2 integration is the most achievable starting point. It requires software configuration rather than political battles over budgets or workforce expansion. Once fibroids and other chronic gynaecological conditions appear in district dashboards, visibility creates accountability. Accountability creates measurement. Measurement precedes financing. The eight recommendations downstream all become more feasible the moment chronic gynaecological burden is visible in the national health information system.

National Policy Reforms

RECOMMENDATION 01

Expand FHCI eligibility to chronic gynaecological conditions

Move from pregnancy specific to condition neutral reproductive health coverage. Phase 1 (Years 1 to 2): surgical management of symptomatic fibroids and gynaecological cancers. Phase 2 (Years 3 to 5): comprehensive gynaecological care.

Lead: Ministry of Health and Sanitation with Treasury. Partners: development agencies currently supporting FHCI.
RECOMMENDATION 02

Integrate chronic gynaecological conditions into DHIS2

Build a gynaecological module parallel to the existing maternal health modules. Standardised data fields for gynaecological admissions by diagnosis, surgical procedures, imaging utilisation, diagnostic delays, and treatment costs. Twelve month pilot before full rollout.

Lead: DHIS2 technical team with WHO support. Mandated through facility performance contracts.
RECOMMENDATION 03

Establish social protection for chronic illness

Temporary income replacement during medically certified illness, subsidised childcare enabling women to prioritise health, transport vouchers for specialty care access. Pilot through existing National Social Safety Net Programme infrastructure.

Partners: women's cooperatives and market associations for identification and distribution.

Health System Operations

RECOMMENDATION 04

Redistribute diagnostic equipment to gynaecological services

Current ultrasound capacity concentrates in antenatal clinics. Reallocate to ensure each district and tertiary gynaecological service point has functional imaging with active maintenance contracts. One functional ultrasound per gynaecological service point as the floor.

Lead: Ministry of Health and Sanitation with WHO and UNFPA support.
RECOMMENDATION 05

Expand the gynaecology workforce, lower patient provider ratios

Current ratios of forty to fifty patients per session preclude adequate consultation. Accelerated mid level provider training. Task shifting of examination and counselling to trained nurses. Public sector incentive packages for specialists. Target: fifteen to twenty patients per session within three years.

Partners: Global Fund and GAVI for workforce financing tied to FHCI extension.
RECOMMENDATION 06

Develop patient education materials and counselling protocols

Multilingual written materials in English, Krio, Mende, and Temne. Visual aids explaining uterine anatomy and fibroid development. Treatment option comparison tools. Standardised counselling protocols. Pilot at PCMH in collaboration with FIGO and UNFPA, then scale through the Ministry's Reproductive Health Division.

Lead: PCMH gynaecology department. Partners: FIGO, UNFPA, MoHS RHD.

Continental Frameworks

RECOMMENDATION 07

Position chronic gynaecological conditions in Agenda 2063 and the Maputo Plan of Action

Integrate indicators and commitments for fibroid care access, gynaecological cancer screening, endometriosis management, and comprehensive uterine health into the next Maputo Plan review. Continental frameworks shape national priorities; visibility there forces accountability across the African Union.

Lead: OAFLAD, FIGO Africa Regional Council, Women in Global Health Africa. Backing: AU Department of Health, WHO Africa, WAHO.
RECOMMENDATION 08

Support regional centres of excellence for uterine health

Establish regional training and research hubs advancing uterine health diagnosis and care across West Africa. Cross country research partnerships. Harmonised clinical protocols. Comparative population studies that the Sierra Leone case has shown to be urgent.

Partners: WAHO, FIGO Africa, regional academic institutions, OAFLAD First Ladies network.
Across The Continent

The cycle is not unique to Sierra Leone.

COSAR was built around fibroids in Sierra Leone, but the pattern it documents recurs across African and diasporic contexts. Different health systems. Same architecture of exclusion. The data below is drawn from the thesis literature review.

Kenya
68%
Of women delayed seeking care for fibroid symptoms by more than one year. Cited shame and fear of bewitchment as primary reasons.
GICHUHI ET AL., 2021
Nigeria
30%
Of national gynaecologic admissions attributed to fibroids. Diagnostic delays of one to three years normalised as "ordinary female problems."
FMOH UTERINE HEALTH ROUNDTABLE, 2025
South Africa
Racial gap
Black women face longer diagnostic delays and higher surgical costs than white women. Race compounds gendered neglect within the same national system.
WISE ET AL., 2020
USA & UK
2–3×
Black women more likely than white women to undergo hysterectomy for fibroids. Receive a fraction of the research investment of comparable male reproductive disorders.
STEWART ET AL., 2017
Globally
< 1%
Of annual global health funding targets non-maternal gynaecologic morbidity. What threatens fertility or life commands resources. What diminishes daily living does not.
IHME, 2023
The mechanisms operate similarly across both low-income and high-income contexts. The same hierarchy of visibility is reproduced wherever reproductive health frameworks are organised around maternity. COSAR offers an analytical framework potentially applicable across the continent and beyond.
From Evidence to Practice

Youterus is the practical translation of this work.

Youterus Health is Africa's uterine health company. Headquartered in Freetown, with operations in Nigeria and Kenya, Youterus translates the diagnosis at the heart of this thesis into infrastructure: data, financing, clinical pathways, and policy advocacy. COSAR is the analytical foundation. Youterus is the response.

PILLAR · 01

The WOMB Index

An eight-dimension instrument for documenting uterine health burden, validated against SAMANTA, and currently deployed across six districts in Sierra Leone with 1,000 women in its Phase 1 cohort. The first effort of its kind on the continent.

PILLAR · 02

The Unmute the Womb Programme

A multi-country advocacy and clinical pathway programme spanning Sierra Leone and Nigeria, supported by the Gates Foundation, in coalition with WRA Nigeria, Qhala, and the AMC Working Group. The campaign that names what has been silent.

PILLAR · 03

The Uterine Health Fund

Direct financing for women whose surgeries fall outside FHCI. Eighty-plus myomectomies and hysterectomies funded to date. Until the state expands coverage, women cannot wait. The fund is the bridge.

PILLAR · 04

UTERO

An AI-enabled uterine health intelligence platform built atop the WOMB Data Registry. The continent's first dedicated data infrastructure for chronic gynaecologic conditions. Visibility, at scale.

80+
Surgeries Funded
3
Countries: SL · NG · KE
1,000
Women in WOMB Phase 1
2024
Registered, Sierra Leone
The Journey

On doctorate, leadership, and motherhood.

This thesis carries three inheritances.

The First

My grandmother's. She was a skilled birth attendant in Sierra Leone, trained under Sir Milton Margai before independence. She caught babies in villages where the only clinic was her hands, and she was called into the clinics too, to assist doctors with breech births and the deliveries the hospital could not manage alone. She knew women's bodies through proximity, repetition, and trust. She knew what the data systems still do not: that women's reproductive lives extend far beyond pregnancy, and that what is unspoken still requires care. Everything I am attempting to formalise, she practised. The DrPH after my name is a credential. Her practice was the precedent.

The Second

My daughter's. Amanah Seray, whose name means trust. I defended this thesis on the ninth of December, two thousand and twenty-five. I defended it online, from Sierra Leone. U.S. travel restrictions on my country made the journey to Cambridge impossible. So my committee met me on a screen, and my daughter was in the room with me. She did not yet have language for what was happening, but she was there. The work that began as a question about silence had become, in part, a record I could hand her. That she could one day read in a country that no longer required her mother to be in two places at once.

The Third

My own. I want to be honest about this. I did not write this thesis only as a scholar or as a founder. I wrote it as a Sierra Leonean woman trying to heal what had felt, for a very long time, so alone. Uterine pain in our country is carried in private. So was mine. The research was not a way of escaping that aloneness. It was a way of moving it, of placing it inside a record that other women could read and recognise themselves in. Twenty-seven women shared their stories with me in Freetown, Lumley, Brookfields, Mountain Cut, Kissy, Waterloo. They were never anonymous to me. They were the company I had not known was possible. The framework I built rests on their voices. It also rests on mine.

"Women's adaptation under constraint is proof of systemic neglect. Documenting that adaptation is an act of indictment, not praise."

Seventeen years of global health work across twenty-five countries taught me how power moves through systems: through metrics, through procurement codes, through the categorical eligibility lines of free health care policies, through the templates of HMIS reporting tools. None of these are neutral. Each is a decision about whose suffering becomes legible. To do research in a context where the data systems themselves are the instrument of erasure is to refuse, in advance, the terms that would render your subject invisible. Methodology becomes politics. Naming becomes infrastructure.

I lead Youterus Health as a founder who refuses to mistake resilience for resolution. Our women in Freetown, in Lagos, in Nairobi, are not waiting to be empowered. They are already labouring through illness, raising children through pain, financing care through asset liquidation. They do not need motivational language. They need infrastructure. They need data systems that see them. They need financing schemes that include them. They need a continent that names what it owes them.

And as a solo mother, I have come to understand leadership as sustained attention. Not performance. Not vision statements. Attention: to the work, to the women, to the daughter sleeping in the next room, to the body that carries all of it. Naming what matters. Refusing what diminishes. Building what should already exist.

Naming the wound is the precondition for rewriting the record. The record is being rewritten now.

DEC 2025 · MAY 2026
DrPH, Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health
2017
MPP, Blavatnik School of Government, University of Oxford
2022
Mo Ibrahim African Leader Fellow, African Development Bank
2024
Founder & CEO, Youterus Health (SL) Limited
What Comes Next

The framework opens questions.

COSAR was built around fibroids in Sierra Leone, but its mechanisms may illuminate dynamics far beyond that context. The thesis closes by opening four lines of further investigation. They are offered here as invitations to other researchers, clinicians, and policymakers carrying this work forward.

Question 01

Does COSAR apply to other neglected reproductive conditions?

The framework emerged from fibroids in Sierra Leone, but its six mechanisms may illuminate dynamics affecting endometriosis, adenomyosis, pelvic inflammatory disease, and gynaecologic cancers across contexts that share similar structural conditions. The question is empirical and open.

Question 02

Do multi-stage interventions outperform single-point reforms?

COSAR suggests that interventions targeting multiple cycle stages simultaneously achieve greater impact than reforms addressing single barriers. Testing this hypothesis requires implementation research comparing different intervention strategies. The case for sequencing matters.

Question 03

How does data invisibility shape resource allocation?

Investigation of policymaking processes in contexts where HMIS lacks chronic condition data would illuminate how invisibility shapes priority setting, budget allocation, and which conditions cross the threshold from administrative obscurity into national investment.

Question 04

Which countries have integrated chronic conditions into categorical schemes?

Comparative analysis of countries that expanded maternal health financing to include chronic gynaecologic conditions would identify successful reform pathways, implementation challenges, and enabling political conditions. The comparison is the policy lesson.

In Coalition

This work was held by many.

A doctoral thesis appears under a single name. It is never the work of one person. The committee that guided it and the family that carried it deserve to be named first and given their full weight. The wider coalition follows. The thesis itself contains the fuller list.

Research Team, Sierra Leone

  • The research assistants, transcribers, and fieldwork coordinatorsNames to be added publicly with their consent. Fieldwork, transcription, weekly analytical debriefs, district coordination. Every part of this project bears their care.

Institutional Support

  • Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public HealthDoctoral programme
  • Frederick Sheldon Travelling FellowshipResearch funding
  • Princess Christian Maternity Hospital, FreetownResearch site and clinical partner

In Sierra Leone

  • H.E. Dr. Fatima Maada BioFirst Lady of Sierra Leone
  • The Honourable Dr. Austin DembyMinister of Health and Sanitation
  • Dr. Charles SenessieDeputy Minister of Health
  • Health workers, administrators, community leadersAcross the research sites

The Youterus Health Team

  • The team carrying the work forward across Sierra Leone, Nigeria, and KenyaTranslation from evidence to practice

The Twenty-Seven

  • The women whose voices are the primary data source of this thesisAuthors of the record. Confidentiality preserved. Authorship shared.

Sisters-in-Life

NazaYakamaGabrielaAbikeYacineJulie

The community that held me upright. The honesty, the laughter, the presence that made the hardest parts bearable.

Brother-Friends

EsiasSalif

Grounding. Showing up without hesitation.

Friends

AminataCarlosKarenRaniaRanda

Care, constancy, and the quiet ways you kept me moving forward.

To every woman still bleeding unseen or unheard: this work is written in witness to you. May it stand as one step in rewriting the record of your lives, your pain, and your power.
Engage

Read it. Cite it. Fund what comes next.

This thesis was written to be returned to women, to clinicians, to policymakers, to the funders who can move resources, and to the next generation of researchers who will carry it further than I can. The work is open. The framework is mine. The invitation is direct.

01 · ARCHIVE

Read the thesis

The full one hundred and seven pages: chart review, qualitative analysis, the COSAR framework, policy recommendations, and the recommended reforms for Sierra Leone and the wider continent. Now published by Harvard.

Read on Harvard DASH →
02 · LEADERSHIP

Read the leadership reflection

The companion document to the doctoral thesis. A reflection on what it took to lead this work from a research question into institutional practice, written for the DrPH leadership portfolio and offered here as part of the public record.

Download the report →
03 · FRAMEWORK

Cite COSAR

The Cycle of Suffering and Resilience is an original analytical framework, developed through doctoral fieldwork in Freetown, 2025. Researchers and policymakers are welcome to test its six mechanisms in other contexts. Attribution is required.

Citation & framework →
04 · INVEST

Fund the next study

A population-based prevalence study for Sierra Leone can be delivered for approximately USD 250,000. The protocol layers clinical confirmation onto the WOMB Index symptom platform already in field, adds household and system cost analysis, and delivers the political economy work the eight policy recommendations need to move. Co-investigated with Harvard, with the political economy track held by Youterus Health. This produces the first published population-based fibroid prevalence figure for any West African country. A USD 500,000 Phase 2 extension adds Nigeria as comparator and a prospective cohort follow-up at twelve and twenty-four months.

Co-fund this work →
05 · PARTNER

Work with Youterus Health

Youterus Health partners with ministries of health, multilateral institutions, and aligned funders to integrate uterine health into national priorities across Sierra Leone, Nigeria, and Kenya. The Unmute the Womb coalition is open to new members.

Visit Youterus Health →
06 · SPEAK

Invitations & press

For speaking, advisory engagements, peer collaboration, and interviews on COSAR, uterine health policy in Africa, or the broader work, please reach out directly.

hello@fatouwurie.com →